Limbu (Yakthuṅ) Verb Agreement & Syntax — Reference for a Conjugating Translator

Source: George van Driem, A Grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4, Mouton de Gruyter, 1987). All page numbers below are van Driem's printed page numbers (his §-numbers given in parentheses). Dialect described = Tamphulā Pāñyaṅgu / Phedāppe Limbu.

Romanization & symbols (pp. xii–xv):

• Forms are given in van Driem's transcription, which is effectively a phonemic/IPA hybrid. Notable graphemes: ʔ = glottal stop (printed as ? in the source; reproduced here as ʔ); ŋ = velar nasal; ɛ = open-mid front vowel; ɔ = open-mid back vowel; c, ch, j, jh = palatal affricates; · after a vowel = vowel length (long vowel); tch = the dual/non-singular /s/-cluster realisation [tch].
• Glossing abbreviations used throughout: A agent, P patient, S subject, AS agent/subject, PS patient/subject, sA singular agent, nsA non-singular agent, pA plural agent, dA dual agent, sP/nsP/dP/pP patient number, sPS/dPS/pPS patient-subject number, 1/2/3 persons, i inclusive, e exclusive, d dual, p plural, s singular, ns non-singular, NPT non-preterit, PT preterit, PF/IPF perfective/imperfective, NEG negative, REF reflexive, NOM nominalizer, Q interrogative, OPT optative, CON conditional, IRR irrealis, ADH adhortative, IMP imperative, SUB subordinator, prG/pfG/npG present/perfect/negative-perfect gerund, EXIG exigency aux, ASS assertive, DEPR deprehensive, REP reported speech.

Devanagari/Kiranti script is not reproduced in the verb tables in the source (van Driem gives transcription only; written-Limbu transliteration uses the p.554 system, with eh = ɛ → è).

0. Big picture: biactantial (bipersonal) agreement

Limbu is a Kiranti / Tibeto-Burman language with biactantial verb agreement: a transitive verb agrees simultaneously with BOTH its arguments — the agent (ergatively marked nominal) and the patient (absolutively marked nominal) — for person AND number, via a string of (mostly portmanteau) prefixes and suffixes. The intransitive verb agrees with its single subject. Agreement is split-ergative (pp. 270–271, §10.3): the 1st/2nd-person affixes pattern as agent vs. patient/subject, while the 3rd-person affixes pattern as agent/subject vs. patient — an animacy hierarchy effect. Case marking gives no clue to S/P (both take absolutive); only the verb and the ergative-on-agent disambiguate.

Definitions van Driem fixes (pp. 69–70, §4):

• agent (A) = most agentive actant in a transitive scenario; ergative-marked.
• patient (P) = less agentive transitive actant (beneficiary/victim/undergoer/recipient); absolutive when definite, zero when indefinite.
• object = peripheral, least-animate third argument; takes NO case and is NOT cross-referenced on the verb.
• subject (S) = sole actant of an intransitive or reflexive verb; absolutive.
• Number terms: singularity = 1, duality = 2, plurality = 3 or more, non-singularity = more than 1.

1. THE VERB TEMPLATE (affix string)

A simplex = any indicative verb with no overt mode/aspect suffix = stem + person/number agreement markers (pp. 69, 75). A complex form = simplex + an overt mode/aspect marker in suffixal slot 12 or 13 (Ch. 5–7). There are 3 prefixal slots (pf1–pf3) and 11 suffixal slots (sf1–sf11) flanking the stem (p. 75). Zero morphemes are written ø.

1.1 Slot chart (pp. 75–76, §4.4; reproduced verbatim from the Appendix-II header on p. 368)

Ordering rule inside pf1 for transitives: 1 precedes 2 precedes 3 when two person markers co-occur (p. 77).

A simplex thus has the shape:

pf1-pf2-pf3 - STEM - sf1-sf2-sf3-sf4-sf5-sf6-sf7-sf8-sf9-sf10-sf11
1   nsAS NEG          REF  T   dA  P    1sA NEG nsA  nsP cpy  excl NEG
                      1→2                     /pA            (copy)

Efficiency / redundancy-dropping (p. 69): Limbu drops redundant overt morphs. The inclusive and singular and 3rd-person-AS categories are formally unmarked (zero). The 1st-person prefix a- never appears when an exclusive -ge is present (exclusivity already implies 1st person), nor when 1st involvement is shown by a portmanteau (p. 77).

1.2 Verb stems & apophony (pp. 71–74, §4.1)

A verb has 1, 2, or 3 stem forms:

• Stem 1 (full form): before a vowel-initial suffix (contains a post-syllabic consonant).
• Stem 2: before a consonant-initial suffix, or bare.
• Stem 3: stem 2 in final /t/ → [ʔl] before a glottal-stop-initial suffix or word-finally.

Examples: kamma? 'develop attachment' → single stem -kam-; midza·ʔma? 'warm oneself' → mi-ca·ʔr- / mi-ca·ʔ-; lɛpma? 'quit, leave' → -lɛʔr- / -lɛt- / -lɛʔl- (pp. 71–72).

30 stem types are distinguished by stem-final; 29 are consonant-final (grouped I–X, p. 73), and one small group of open/apophonic (irregular) verbs has tense-motivated stem apophony (e.g. yuma? 'come down', pe·kma? 'go') — irregular paradigms in Appendix II (pp. 74–75).

1.3 Three conjugation types (p. 74, §4.2)

Verbs conjugate transitively (vt), intransitively (vi), and/or reflexively (vr). Model verbs used in Appendix II: hu?ma? (vt) 'teach' (stems -hu?r- / -hu?-), nu·ŋma? (vi) 'return, void' (-nu·ks- / -nu·ŋ-), lɛŋsiŋma? (vr) 'change'. Impersonal transitives (non-referential agent) conjugate only in 3s→ forms, e.g. khɛŋha? moyusi 'theyᴾ are drunk' (3s→3ns) (p. 75).

2. PERSON & NUMBER MORPHEMES (the inventory, pp. 77–104)

Worked morpheme analyses (showing the biactantial logic):

• a-bi·-ø-s-u-ø-ø-ø = 1-give-NPT-dA-3P-sP-i-PF → 'weᵈⁱ will give it to him' (p. 78, ex. 3)
• a-ø-m-nis-ɛ-tchi-ø-ø = 1-3-nsAS-see-PT-dPS-i-PF → 'they saw usᵈⁱ' (3ns→1di) (p. 79, ex. 8)
• kɛ-ø-ø-ghɛm-ø-ø-ø = 2-3-sAS-hear-NPT-sPS-PF → 'he'll hear youˢ' (3s→2s) (p. 81, ex. 18)
• kɛ-ø-m-hip-ø-ø-ø = 2-3-nsAS-hit-NPT-sPS-PF → 'they'll hit youˢ' (3ns→2s) (p. 81, ex. 19)
• hip-nɛ-ø-ø-ø-ø = hit-1→2-NPT-sPS-sA-PF → 'I'll hit youˢ' (1s→2s) (p. 88, ex. 54)
• ni-n-ɛ-tchi-ŋ-ø = see-1→2-PT-dPS-1sA-PF → 'I saw youᵈ' (1s→2d) (p. 88, ex. 58)

3. INTRANSITIVE CONJUGATION

The single argument (subject) is cross-referenced. Model verb nu·ŋma? 'return, void' (-nu·ks-/-nu·ŋ-), Appendix II pp. 374–375. Each cell gives, top-to-bottom: NPT affirmative, PT affirmative, NPT negative, PT negative (slot analysis from the source; surface form synthesised from the slots). NPT = non-preterit; PT = preterit -ɛ. The fully inflected intransitive surface forms for thaŋma? 'come up', hiŋma? 'live', i·ma? 'wander', imma? 'sleep' are given in §3.2.

3.1 Slot analysis of intransitive nu·ŋma? (pp. 374–375)

Key intransitive endings (cross-checked against pp. 93–101 examples):

• 1s: NPT -ʔɛ, PT -aŋ (e.g. yɛp-ʔɛ 'I stand' p.96; ye·r-aŋ 'I laughed' p.97).
• 1di: prefix a-, -si(NPT)/-tchi(PT) dual + -i (e.g. a-be·-g-ɛ-tchi-ø-ø 'weᵈⁱ went' p.79).
• 1de: -si/-tchi dual + excl -ge (e.g. ø-pe·-g-ɛ-tchi-ge-ø 'weᵈᵉ went' p.103).
• 1pi: prefix a-, plural -i (zero in 1pi) (e.g. a-yɛp-ø-ø-ø 'weᵖⁱ stand' p.96; a-ye·ʔl-…-i 'weᵖⁱ laugh' p.96).
• 1pe: plural -i + excl -ge (NPT), or -mʔna (PT) (e.g. ø-ce·-i-ge 'weᵖᵉ ate' p.95; yu-mʔna-ø 'weᵖᵉ came down' p.101).
• 2s: kɛ- + sPS ø (e.g. kɛ-im-ø-ø 'youˢ're asleep' p.80; kɛ-be·k-ø-ø-pa 'where are youˢ going?' p.81).
• 2d: kɛ- + -si/-tchi. 2p: kɛ- + -i (e.g. kɛ-yuŋ-ø-i 'youᵖ sit' p.95).
• 3s: bare stem (e.g. ø-ø-pe·-g-ɛ-ø 'he went' p.82). 3d: -si/-tchi (e.g. khunchi ø-ɔ·kt-ɛ-tchi 'theyᵈ screamed' p.84). 3p: mɛ- + plural (e.g. khɛŋha? ø-mɛ-ɔ·kt-ɛ-ø 'theyᵖ screamed' p.84).

3d vs 3p contrast (the marked dual): a 3d subject normally takes the dual verb form; if it instead takes a nsAS (mɛ-) form, the combination is marked and semantically distinct (e.g. thoŋ mɛ-dzo·g-ɛ-aŋ se··si 'they waged war together [as comrades] and diedᵈ' vs. thoŋ co·g-ɛ-tchi-aŋ se··si 'the twoᵈ waged war [on each other?] and diedᵈ', pp. 83–84).

3.2 Full surface paradigms — irregular/apophonic intransitives (pp. 384–387)

Each entry: NPT aff. / NPT neg. (line 1–2); PT aff. / PT neg. (col. 2). (? in source = ʔ.)

thaŋma? 'come up' (-thaŋ-):

hiŋma? 'live, be alive' (-hiŋ-):

imma? 'sleep' (-ips-/-im-): 1s im-ʔɛ / mɛ-ʔim-ɛ-n; PT ips-aŋ / mɛn-ʔim-baŋ; 1di a-ʔim-si / a-ʔips-ɛ-tchi; 1pe ips-ige / imm-ʔna; 2s kɛ-ʔim / kɛ-ʔips-ɛ; 3s im / ips-ɛ (full table p. 386).

i·ma? 'wander' (-i·r-/-i·-): 1s i·-ʔɛ / i·-raŋ; 2s kɛ-ʔi· / kɛ-ʔi·-rɛ; 3s i· / i·-rɛ (p. 386).

4. TRANSITIVE (BIACTANTIAL) CONJUGATION — the engine

The transitive verb agrees with agent person×number AND patient person×number simultaneously. Model verb hu?ma? 'teach' (-hu?r- / -hu?-), Appendix II pp. 368–374 (slot analysis) and surface forms for ɔ·mɔpma? 'look at', warumma? 'bathe (s.o.)', nima? 'see' pp. 377–383.

4.1 Slot analysis of hu?ma? by agent→patient combination (pp. 368–374)

For each combination the source lists, in order: NPT aff, PT aff, NPT neg, PT neg. Columns below give the overt fillers per slot (ø omitted). Read each row as: pf1 pf2 pf3 — STEM — sf1 sf2 sf4 sf5 sf6 sf7 sf8 sf9 sf10 sf11.

1→2 forms (use 1→2 portmanteau -nɛ in sf1; nsA -tchi; never excl)

Surface (from nima? 'see', p. 381): 1s→2s ninɛ / neg mɛninɛn; 1s→2d ninɛtchiŋ / mɛninɛtchiŋnɛn; 1s→2p niniŋ / mɛniniŋnɛn; 1nse→2 (we-excl→you) ninɛtchige / mɛninɛtchigɛn.

1→3 forms (3P -u present ⇒ 1st = agent; 1sA -ŋ in sf5/sf9)

Surface examples (nima? 'see', pp. 381–383): 1s→3s nis-uŋ / PT nis-uŋ, neg mɛni?ɛn / mɛnnibaŋ; 1s→3ns nis-uŋsiŋ; 1di→3s ani-su / PT anis-ɛtchu; 1pi→3s anis-um; 1pe→3s nis-umbe / PT nim?na; 1pe→3ns nis-umsimbe / PT nim?nasi.

Worked: a-hipt-ø-u-m-si-m-ø = 1-hit-NPT-3P-pA-nsP-pA-PF → 'weᵖⁱ shall hit them' (1pi→3ns, p. 82); a-ab-ø-u-m-si-m-ø = 1-shoot-NPT/PT-3P-pA-nsP-pA → 'weᵖⁱ shall/did shoot them' (p. 78).

2→1 forms (1st-person involvement via portmanteau / na·pmi; no overt excl in 2→1, p.102)

The 2→1 is signalled by kɛ- (2) + 1st-patient portmanteau (-ʔɛ NPT / -aŋ PT for 2→1s), or by the free word na·pmi 'someone else' replacing a-: | | NPT aff | PT aff | |---|---|---| | 2s→1s | kɛ-hu?-ʔɛ…-sA | kɛ-hu?r-aŋ…-sA | | 2→1 (general) | a-gɛ-hu? | a-gɛ-hu?r-ɛ |

Surface (nima?, pp. 381–382): 2s→1s kɛni?ɛ / PT kɛnis-aŋ, neg kɛnni?ɛn / kɛnnis-aŋnɛn; 2→1 (general) agɛni / PT agɛnis-ɛ. Cf. p. 80 ex. 11: naʔ-gɛ-nuʔ-ʔɛ-ø-i·? 'do youˢ love me?' (love-2-love-1sPS/NPT-sA-Q).

2→3 forms (kɛ- agent; 3P -u)

Surface (nima?): 2s→3s kɛnis-u / kɛnnis-un; 2s→3ns kɛnis-usi; 2d→3s kɛni-su / kɛnis-ɛtchu; 2p→3s kɛnis-um; 2p→3ns kɛnis-umsim (pp. 381–382).

3→1 forms (a-…-mɛ- nsAS; 1st = patient)

Surface (nima?, pp. 382–383): 3s→1s ni?ɛ / PT nis-aŋ, neg mɛni?ɛn / mɛnis-aŋnɛn; 3s→1di ani-si / anis-ɛtchi; 3s→1pi ani / anis-ɛ; 3ns→1s mɛni?ɛ / mɛnis-aŋ; 3ns→1di amɛni-si / amɛnis-ɛtchi; 3ns→1pe mɛnis-ige. Worked: a-ø-m-nis-ɛ-tchi-ø-ø 'they saw usᵈⁱ' (3ns→1di, p.79); a-ø-m-bi·r-ɛ-ø-ø 'they gave it to usᵖⁱ' (p.79); ø-mɛ-bi··ʔɛ-ø 'they'll give it to me' (3ns→1s, p.96).

3→2 forms (kɛ- = 2 patient; 3 zero/mɛ- agent)

Surface (nima?): 3s→2s kɛni / kɛnis-ɛ; 3s→2d kɛni-si / kɛnis-ɛtchi; 3s→2p kɛnis-i; 3ns→2s kɛmɛni / kɛmɛnis-ɛ; 3ns→2d kɛmɛni-si; 3ns→2p kɛmɛnis-i (p. 382).

3→3 forms (only place a 3d agent is distinguished, pp. 83, 92)

Surface (nima?): 3s→3s nis-u / mɛnis-un; 3s→3ns nis-usi / mɛnis-unchin; 3d→3s ni-su / mɛnis-ɛtchu (NPT/PT); 3ns(p)→3s mɛnis-u / mɛnnis-un; 3ns→3ns mɛnis-usi / mɛnnis-unchin (pp. 382–383). Worked: ø-ø-nis-ø-u-si = 3-sAS-see-NPT-3P-nsP → 'he sees them' (3s→3ns, p.102); ø-ø-ni·r-ø-u-ø-ø 'he read it' (3s→3s, p.82); ø-mɛ-sɔŋs-ø-u-ø-ø 'they sell it' (3p→3s, p.83); ø-ø-tɛms-ɛ-tch-u-ø-ø 'theyᵈ caught it' (3d→3s, p.93).

4.2 Full surface paradigm — ɔ·mɔpma? 'look at' (vt, ɔ·-mɔtt-/ɔ·-mɔt-/ɔ·-mɔʔl-), pp. 377–379

Each combination: NPT aff. (line 1), NPT neg. (line 2) in left col; PT aff. (line 1), PT neg. (line 2) in right col.

This 45-cell × 4-polarity grid (≈180 distinct forms) is the complete biactantial paradigm of one transitive verb and is the gold reference for the conjugator. The parallel surface grids for warumma? 'bathe' (pp. 379–381) and nima? 'see' (pp. 381–383) follow the identical 45-combination layout.

4.3 Selected warumma? 'bathe (someone)' surface forms (pp. 379–381)

1s→2s warumnɛ / wamɛrumnɛn; 1s→3s warupsuŋ / wamɛrum?ɛn (PT wamɛnlumbaŋ); 2s→1s wagɛrum?ɛ / wagɛnlum?ɛn (PT wagɛrupsaŋ); 2→1 waʔagɛrum / waʔagɛnlumnɛn; 3s→1s warum?ɛ / wamɛrum?ɛn (PT warupsaŋ); 3s→3s warupsu / wamɛrupsun; 3ns→3s wamɛrupsu / wamɛnlupsun. (Note the stem suppletion -rups-/-rum-/-nlum- across cells.)

5. REFLEXIVE / RECIPROCAL CONJUGATION

The reflexive/reciprocal morpheme -siŋ (dual allomorph -nɛ; -nɛ → -n- before PT -ɛ) is an sf1 filler (pp. 86–87). It makes a transitive verb agree with a single argument (the reflexive subject) — so reflexives conjugate like intransitives. Reciprocal sense: e.g. pi·ma? 'give' + REF → 'give each other / fight' (p. 87). Some are lexicalised (e.g. tha·siŋma? 'be off somewhere', khɛtchiŋma? 'run').

5.1 Slot analysis of reflexive lɛŋsiŋma? 'change' (pp. 375–377)

5.2 Full reflexive surface paradigm — nisiŋma? 'see oneself' (p. 384)

1s nisiŋ?ɛ / menisiŋ?ɛn (PT nisiŋaŋ / menisiŋaŋnɛn); 1di aninetchi / aninetchin; 1de ninetchige / meninetchigɛn; 1pi anisiŋ / annisiŋnɛn; 1pe nisiŋige / nisiŋŋ?na; 2s kenisiŋ / kennisiŋnɛn; 2d keninetchi / keninetchin; 2p kenisiŋi / kennisiŋin; 3s nisiŋ / menisiŋnɛn; 3d ninetchi / meninetchin; 3p menisiŋ / mennisiŋnɛn. (Also ɔ·mɔtchiŋma? 'look at oneself' p.383, warumsiŋma? 'bathe oneself' pp.383–384.)

6. NEGATION

6.1 In the simplex (non-nexal, pp. 103–104, §4.5)

A negated simplex carries at least two and at most three negative morphemes:

• NEG₁ mɛ- (pf3): mɛ- → n- after any overt prefix. Obligatory.
• NEG₂ -nɛn (sf11): -nɛn → -n after a vowel-final affix; full -nɛn after a consonant or stem. Obligatory. Becomes a prefix in pf3 (just after NEG₁) in forms with -paŋ (1s→3/PT) or -mʔna (1peAS/PT).
• NEG₃ -n (sf6): always co-occurs with nsP -si; optional in 1di/2s/2d/3s/3d→3ns; obligatory in NPT 1s→3ns.

Examples: kɛ-ø-n-dzɔ-nɛn '(youˢ) don't eat pork' (2-NEG-eat-NEG, p.59); mɛ-lɛ··ʔɛ-ø-n 'I don't know it' (NEG-know-1s→3/NPT-sP-NEG, p.97); mɛ-dum-ʔɛ-n-chi-n-ø 'I won't run into them' (NEG-run_into-1s→3/NPT-NEG-nsP-NEG-PF, p.97, three NEGs); mɛ-n-ni-baŋ-ø 'I didn't see him' (1s→3/PT, p.98); kɛ-ø-ø-n-hip-ø-ø-nɛn-ø 'he won't hit youˢ' (p.81).

6.2 Tense × aspect × agreement interactions

• Tense (sf2): NPT = ø, PT = -ɛ (pp. 89–92). PT elides before vowel-initial -u, -i; PT not used when a portmanteau already carries PT meaning (-aŋ, -paŋ, -mʔna).
• Stative/telic semantics: verbs of perception are telic statives — take preterit where English uses present (e.g. limdɛ 'it tastes sweet', so·sɛ 'it itches', pp. 89–90). Telic statives center on moment of inception (laktɛ 'it's boiling'). Atelic statives: simple past/non-past (nis-u 'theyᵈ see it', p.91). Nonstative verbs are all telic, straightforward PT/NPT.
• Aspect (sf13, Ch.5): perfective = ø, imperfective = -pa for nonstatives; statives take no -pa (pp. 105–106). Imperious future = -ba (5.2).
• Mode (sf12, Ch.6): OPT -lɔ/-rɔ; CON -mɛN; IRR -gɔni; nominalizer/imperfective -pa (p. 105). Clitics: assertive lo·/ro·, deprehensive lɔcɔ/rɔcɔ.

6.3 Morphophonology / sandhi of the affixes (pp. 76–77, §4.3)

1. Exclusive -ge → -be / after /m/ (i.e. after pA -m).
2. Vocalis ante vocalem corripitur: PT -ɛ, dual reflexives, and 1→2 -nɛ elide their /ɛ/ before a vowel-initial suffix. E.g. -ɛ + -u → /u/; -ɛ + -i + -ge → /-ige/; -ɛ + -i → /-i/. -nɛ → -n before PT/pPS (giving -niŋ, -nɛtchiŋ).
3. Any dual/nsg morpheme with initial /s/: /s/ → [tch] / -ɛ ___ (after PT). Hence dual -si → -tchi, dA -s → -tch.
4. nsAS mɛ- → m- after a 1st/2nd actant prefix (unless before a NEG).
5. NEG₁ mɛ- → n- after any overt prefix; NEG₂ -nɛn → -n only after a vowel-final affix (retains full form after consonant/stem).
6. Definite-article/case sandhi (nominal): ABS -ʔin assimilates initial glottal to a preceding nasal; after vowels becomes /-·n/ with vowel lengthening; ERG -ʔille/-le (def./indef.). Interrogative -i· diphthongises and shortens a preceding long vowel (pp. 142–143).

7. NON-INDICATIVE / DERIVED VERB FORMS

7.1 Adhortative ('let's…', pp. 184–187, §8.1)

Transitive: drop the 1st-person prefix a- from the corresponding non-preterit simplex. adzo·ksu 'weᵈⁱ do it' → co·ksu 'let'sᵈ do it!'; adzo·gum 'weᵖⁱ do it' → co·gum 'let'sᵖ do it!'; anisu → nisu 'let'sᵈ see it'. Negative adhortative: add nexal negator me·n (co·ksu-me·n 'let's not do it'). Intransitive: also drop a-, but in the plural add pPS -i (else bare stem reads as 3s): abitchi 'weᵈⁱ go' → pitchi 'let'sᵈ go!'; abe·k 'weᵖⁱ go' → pe·gi 'let'sᵖ go!'; a-im-si → im-si 'let'sᵈ sleep!'. Reflexive adhortative = same way (cak-nɛ-tchi 'let'sᵈ get dressed!'). The pADH plural ending is -i; suffix-final -i may elide before me·n.

7.2 Imperative (pp. 187–193, §8.2)

Sign of the imperative = -ɛʔ (sf-final). Agrees with the 2nd-person addressee in number:

• 2s: X-ɛʔ (zero number suffix), e.g. thund-ɛʔ! 'mend it!', yɛb-ɛʔ! 'stand up!'
• 2d: X-ɛtch-ɛʔ, e.g. ipsɛtchɛʔ 'sleepᵈ!'
• 2p: X-amm-ɛʔ, e.g. yuŋ-amm-ɛʔ 'sit downᵖ!'

Negative imperative: prefix mɛn-; imperative -ɛʔ → -ʔɛʔ in negative singulars; 2d suffix → -s. E.g. mɛn-dza-ʔɛʔ! 'don't eat it!', mɛn-im-ʔɛʔ / mɛn-im-s-ɛʔ / mɛn-ips-amm-ɛʔ (2s/2d/2p of 'sleep').

Transitive imperatives also agree with 3rd-person patient number: sP = ø, nsP = -ɛs (assimilating with 2p -amm → -ams-). E.g. paŋs-ɛʔ 'send him!' (2s→3s) vs paŋs-ɛs-ɛʔ 'send them!' (2s→3ns); iŋ-ɛʔ 'buy it' / iŋ-ɛs-ɛʔ 'buy them'. Full →3s/→3ns × 2s/2d/2p × aff/neg grids for paŋma?, na·pma?, iŋma?, u·pma?, phɛtma?, tɔŋma?, hu?ma?, pi·ma?, sapma?, thuŋma?, nima?, ni·pma?, co·kma? given pp. 189–191.

Transitive imperative with 1st-person patient ('do it to me'): specific 2s→1s takes 1sP -aŋ (co·gaŋɛʔ! 'do me!', pi·raŋɛʔ! 'give it to me!'); general 2→1 takes 1st-P prefix a- or free na·pmi (na·pmi pi·rɛʔ! 'give it to us!'). Pre-emptive imperative: -ɛʔ → -ʔo· (menye·ʔlo·! 'don't laugh!' [you look like you might], vs menye·ʔlɛ? 'stop laughing!' [you already are]) (pp. 192–193).

7.3 Gerunds & periphrastic tenses (pp. 148–183, Ch.7)

• Present gerund (prG) -lɔ/-rɔ: simultaneous action; agrees in tense with main verb.
• Perfect gerund (pfG) -aŋ: prior action; also the clausal coordinator -aŋ 'and'. Hiatus handled by /w/ (after back V), /y/ or glottal (after front V).
• Negative perfect gerund (npG); periphrastic perfect tenses = gerundivised simplex + auxiliary (pp. 163–183).

7.4 Other deverbal forms (Ch.8)

• Nominalizer -pa (pp. 193–207): on verb stem/simplex/adverb → adjective/noun. Relativization is via -pa-nominalization (see §9.5). Negated by prefix mɛn-. Agrees in gender for animate-female referents (e.g. khɛŋ numa co·k 'she is good' fem.). Many adjectives derive this way: ke·mba (ke·n-+-pa) 'tall', yɛmba (yɛn-+-pa) 'big'.
• Active participle (AP) kɛ-…-pa (pp. 199–207), its negative; passive participle (PP) (pp. 207–209); infinitive -ma? (pp. 209–212); supine -se (pp. 212–215); passivizer -tɛtma? (pp. 215–218); impersonal/polite inclusive (pp. 218–222).

8. THE VERBS 'TO BE' (Ch.3, pp. 55–68)

Limbu has several distinct copula/existential verbs:

1. Identity operator (suffixal 'to be') — copula between two nominals. Endings parallel agreement: 3rd non-sg & 1st incl non-sg suffix = -si (siŋbo·ŋ-si 'they are trees'); non-sg exclusive = -si + -ge; 2nd-person endings -nɛ, -nɛtchiŋ, -niŋ are identical to 1→2 transitive affixes. One of the two nominals stands in the definite absolutive (pp. 56–59). Negative suffixal 'to be': (1) me·n + identity endings, or (2) inconjugable me·nduk for all persons (pp. 59–60). me·n/me·nduk also serve as nexal (clausal) negators.
2. Existential wa·ma? 'to be (available/exist)' — does not take negative affixes; negative counterpart ho·pma? 'not to be'. Used to quantify (khɛni a·kkhɛn kɛ-way-i? 'how many of youᵖ are there?', pp. 61–62).
3. Locational ya·kma? 'to be (situated in a place)' — strictly locates (contrast wa· 'be present/available' vs ya·k 'be findable here', pp. 63–64).
4. Adhesive pɔtma? 'be suspended/stuck/accumulate' — fruit on tree, lice on cow, eyes/cheeks (pp. 64–66).
5. Attributive co·kma? 'to be' (ascribe an attribute/trait; intransitive twin of transitive co·kma? 'to do') — temporary/subjective attributes (yakthuŋba pa·n-ɛn yɛllik nuba co·k 'the Limbu language is really nice', pp. 66–67).
6. Inchoative po·ŋma? — describes a state (NPT) / a transition to a state (PT, 'become, happen'). PT po·ksɛ can mean 'ago'. Contrasts with co·kma?: kɛ-ghyik-pa po·ks-ɛ 'it has gotten bitter' vs kɛ-ghyik-pa co·g-ɛ 'it was bitter' (pp. 67–68). Also the exigency auxiliary po·ŋma? 'must/have to' (§9, pp. 240–241).

All take 1sPS/NPT wa·-ʔɛ etc. agreement: anga yakthuŋba wa·-ʔɛ 'I am Limbu' (p.39).

9. SYNTAX

9.1 Word order — SOV

Limbu is verb-final. Transitive clause order is Agentᴱᴿᴳ – (Object) – Patientᴬᴮˢ – Verb; intransitive is Subjectᴬᴮˢ – Verb. Demonstratives/quantifiers/possessors precede the noun (p. 26). Genitive precedes its head (genitive noun + head with 3rd-poss prefix ku-/khunchi-: mɛnda?-re ku-mi 'the goat's tail', p.44). Adjectives derived from -pa may be pre- or post-nominal. Adverbs/mood particles are clause-final (§9.10). Examples: kɔŋ yɛmbitcha-·n ca·ʔrik pa·n-kɛ-bɔŋ-ba co·k 'that man is a real agitator' (S … V, p.66); khɛŋ yɛmbitcha-lle ku-ndzum-min hipt-u 'that guy struck his friend' (Aᴱᴿᴳ Pᴬᴮˢ V, p.40).

9.2 The postpositional (case) phrase — cases & postpositions (pp. 34–54, §2.4)

Case endings and postpositions are suffixed to the noun (head-final NP, postpositional language). Inventory:

Personal pronouns (p. 25): aŋga 1s, anchi 1di, anchige 1de, ani 1pi, anige 1pe, khɛnɛ? 2s, khɛnchi 2d, khɛni 2p, khunɛ?/khɛŋ 3s, khunchi 3d/3ns, khɛŋha? 3p/3ns. Personal pronouns take neither ergative nor absolutive suffixes (they stand bare); demonstratives khɛŋ/kɔŋ DO take ergative/absolutive. Possessive prefixes: 1 a-, 2 kɛ-, 3 ku- (du/pl khunchi-), e.g. a-go·co· 'my dog', kɛ-sapla 'your book', ku-ho·rik 'its hide' (pp. 26–27). Independent genitive pronouns end in -ʔin: aŋga?in 'mine', khɛnɛ?in 'yours', etc. (p. 46). Numbers (pp. 32–33): 1 lɔkthik/thik, 2 nɛtchi, 3 sumsi, 4 lisi, 5 nasi, … 10 thibo·ŋ, 20 nibo·ŋ, 100 kipthik. Plural noun suffix -ha?, dual -si.

9.3 Clause-level negation

Two strategies: (a) non-nexal = the verb's own NEG₁/₂/₃ string (§6.1); (b) nexal = the negators me·n / me·nduk negate the whole embedded situation, adding a nexus (pitcha kɛ-dzɔ me·n 'it is not the case that youˢ eat beef', p.59). Compare non-nexal phaksa kɛ-n-dzɔ-nɛn 'you don't eat pork'.

9.4 Questions

• Polar (yes/no): suffix -i· (Q) attachable to any utterance; assimilates to the preceding segment (diphthongises; after /k p t ʔ/ and /i/ → -ʔi·; nasals double before it). kɛ-nis-w-i·? 'can youˢ see?' (p.142). Negative-tag polar questions use …-nɛn-ni·? 'isn't it?/aren't you?' (kɛ-n-nu·nɛn-ni·? 'aren't youˢ feeling well?', p.144). Three-way nonpreterit/preterit opposition by position of Q relative to aspect -ba: verb-final -i· = straightforward yes/no; penultimate (within scope of aspect) = hypothetical/suppositional (mɛʔlɛi·? 'will he tell me?' vs mɛʔlɛi·ba? 'do you think he'll tell me?' vs mɛʔlɛbai·? 'is he going to tell me?', pp. 144–145).
• Content (wh-): wh-words in situ (SOV order kept): hɛn 'what', e·n 'who', a·tto· 'where', a·kkhɛn/a·kkhya·k 'how much/many', hɛnaŋ 'why', abhɛlle 'when'. a·tto· kɛ-be·k-pa? 'where are youˢ going?' (p.81); e·n? kɛ-hɔks-u-ba? 'whom is he looking for?' (p.224); kɛ-mba-rɛ-n ku-miŋ hɛn? 'what's your father's name?' (p.38). Wh-words may take the interrogative -i· too.

9.5 Relative clauses — by nominalization (-pa, -ba, -ma, -tɛn)

Limbu has no relative pronoun; relatives = nominalized clauses with -pa (animate-fem -ma) adnominal to a head, or used independently (pp. 193–207). kɛ-im-mɛ-n 'the sleeping one' (AP-sleep-AP-ABS, p.59); mɛ-n-ni-baŋ-ba mɛna-lle a-yaŋ-in khutt-u 'a man I didn't see stole my money' (NEG-NEG-see-1s→3/PT-NOM man-ERG …, p.197); khɛnɛ? kɛ-hu?r-aŋ-ba kusiŋni·tt-u-ŋ 'I understand what youˢ have taught me' (p.197). Nominalized conjugated simplicia nominalize an entire clause that is then subordinated. The locative nominalizer -tɛn 'place' makes a clause into a place-nominal (warum-siŋ-ɛ-ba-tɛn-ʔo· 'in the place he had been bathing', p.236).

9.6 Subordination (Ch.9, pp. 223–244)

• Direct/indirect speech: no overt subordinator needed; quote usually pre-posed; optional quote marker lɔʔrik for direct quotes; pha?aŋ (< Nep. bhanera 'saying/that') marks direct/alleged quotes & complement clauses of verba sentiendi/dicendi = 'that'; with optative → 'so that'; with -saŋ → pha?saŋ 'even though that' (pp. 223–228).
• Subordinator -phɛlle (postpositive; cognate of pha?aŋ + -ille) = Nep. bhane/bhaneko 'meaning/if/that' (pp. 228–230).
• -ille subordination (suffixed to finite verbs & infinitives) — the workhorse: marks causal, instrumental, contingent (proviso), and temporal clauses (one semantic spectrum). Formally identical to instrumental/ergative/genitive -ille. ya·mbok co·k-mɛ-lle na·s-aŋ 'I got tired from doing the work' (causal, p.230); kɛ-ips-ɛ-lle lɔkthik mɛna-lle kɛ-ga·ks-ɛ 'someone stepped over youˢ while youˢ were asleep' (temporal, p.233); pe·k-mɛ-lle lɔk a-gɛʔl! 'we'll only get there if we get a move on' (p.231). Variant -ilya in some speech.
• Concessive/conditional with gɔrɔ 'if' (postpositive) — mɛ-bi··ʔɛ gɔrɔ thuŋ-u-ŋ 'if they give it to me, I'll drink it' (p.236); hɛkke· gɔrɔ 'in that case'.
• -tɛn (place subordination, §9.5); kusiŋ, e·kke· 'in the fashion of, like, as' (ma·r-ɛ kusiŋ lɔ? 'it looks as if it's been used up', p.237).
• Reported speech particle mu — evidential 'it is said / he says' (usually post-verbal, occasionally inside the suffix string before the aspect suffix) (pp. 238–239).
• Exigency po·ŋma? ('must, have to, should') — impersonally conjugated, with infinitive / present gerund / negative preterit gerund; po·ŋ-ma? po·ŋ 'it must be' (pp. 240–241); milder parne· (< Nep.) 'ought'.
• Clause-final adverbs / mood particles (§9.10): assertive lo·/ro· (appeal for attention); deprehensive lɔcɔ/rɔcɔ (< Nep. rahecha, 'just discovered'); cheerful o·; emphatic.

9.7 Converb chaining / coordination

Clauses/verbs are coordinated by the suffixal coordinator -aŋ 'and' (= perfect gerund), affixed to a simplex (pp. 222, 148). Nominal coordination via comitative -nu. Sequential/serial chaining stacks gerund-marked or -aŋ-coordinated finite verbs, e.g. (p.233) …ho?maŋ-ʔo· pa·ʔr-ɛ ɔkt-ɛ lo·kt-ɛ ha·b-ɛ ye·r-ɛ samlo·r-ɛ 'in his sleep he spoke, shouted, ran, cried, laughed and sang' (string of PT verbs). Causal conjunctions hɛnaŋbhɛlle 'because', adversative kɛrɔ 'but' (< Nep. tara).

9.8 Split ergativity & actant coding (pp. 270–276, §10.3)

• Ergative -le/-ʔille appears only with a transitively conjugated verb (sole exception maŋkho·pma? 'exorcise'). A usually-transitive verb with indefinite/generic patient is often intransitively conjugated (labile): hɛn kɛdzo·k 'what are youˢ doing?' (intr) vs hɛn kɛdzo·gu 'what are youˢ doing?' (tr, concerned with patient identity) (p.271).
• Instrumental ≠ ergative: instrumental actants can occur in passive & in intransitive scenarios; ergative cannot. Difference = agentivity (pp. 41–42).
• Patient agreement follows the animacy hierarchy: pi·ma? 'give' agrees with recipient/beneficiary, not the gift. Directive/causative verbs agree with the animate actant, not the inanimate object. Many bodily-function verbs (se·ma? 'urinate', phe·ma? 'fart', hi?e·ma? 'shit') show non-referential 3s patient agreement (pp. 272–275). Labile verbs (khupma? 'steal/rob', khikma? 'taste bitter', lupma? 'bury') choose transitive vs intransitive by animacy/salience (pp. 273–274).

10. Quick reference — affix-string assembly rules

1. Choose conjugation: vt (two actants), vi (one subject), vr (reflexive — conjugates like vi).
2. pf1: 1 a- / 2 kɛ- / 3 ø (order 1>2>3 if two co-occur; but a 1→2 uses portmanteau -nɛ in sf1, so pf1 carries the agent person only when not 1→2).
3. pf2: 3rd non-sg AS mɛ- (→ m- after a 1/2 prefix).
4. pf3: NEG₁ mɛ-/n- if negative.
5. Stem (correct stem allomorph for the following suffix's initial).
6. sf1: REF -siŋ/-nɛ OR 1→2 -nɛ.
7. sf2: PT -ɛ (elides before vowel suffix; → triggers s→tch).
8. sf3: dual agent -s/-tch (only with 3P -u).
9. sf4: 3P -u / 1s-portmanteaux -ʔɛ/-aŋ/-paŋ / dP/S -si/-tchi / pP/S -i / sPS ø.
10. sf5: 1sA -ŋ.
11. sf6: NEG₃ -n (with nsP).
12. sf7: nsA -tchi (1→2 only) / pA -m / 1peAS/PT -mʔna.
13. sf8: nsP -si / sP ø.
14. sf9: copy of 1sA -ŋ or pA -m (after nsP -si).
15. sf10: excl -ge (→-be after -m); incl ø.
16. sf11: NEG₂ -nɛn/-n.
17. Apply morphophonology §6.3 (vowel elision, s→tch, nasal sandhi, mɛ→m/n).
18. Add mode (sf12) / aspect (sf13) / clitics for complex forms.

End of reference. Primary tables: verb template pp.75–76 (§4.4); morpheme inventory pp.77–104; full slot-by-slot transitive paradigm of hu?ma? pp.368–374; complete surface biactantial grids of ɔ·mɔpma?/warumma?/nima? pp.377–383; intransitive paradigms pp.374, 384–387; reflexive pp.375–377, 383–384; negation pp.103–104; imperative/adhortative pp.184–193; interrogative pp.142–147; subordination Ch.9 pp.223–244; ergativity §10.3 pp.270–276; cases pp.34–54.